Lifelong Learning Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 1000 words - 1

Lifelong Learning - Essay Example Discussion about interventions in exceptional learners and young students with disabilities followed. Expected outcomes of programs are also given much emphasis on the following paragraph. In the end, an individualized program is called for when it comes to children with developmental disabilities.   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚   There are developmental tasks and milestones indicated for each phase of a child’s life. These are benchmarks by which a child’s development can be compared to and assessed against to know whether he is on the right track or not. Parents may become worried when they see other children’s behaviors and actions and see that they are different and way advanced from that of their child. This is where assessment and early diagnosis becomes a necessity. Consequently, early diagnosis leads to early intervention, the initiation of lifelong learning. Whether a child be cognitively challenged or an exceptional learner, his education must be patterned to suit his needs and capacities.     Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚   Developmental disorders as an umbrella term encompass many conditions, such as, cognitive challenge, pervasive developmental disorders and specific developmental disorders. Motor skills and communication disorders are also included.   Developmental appraisal, which plays a salient role in the assessment, largely depends on developmental history supplied by the parent and other assessment areas will be from the observation of the child with specific criteria in mind (Pilletteri, 2007). Parents will be asked to give a description and approximate the age of which the child has performed a certain act or skill, like his first step taken or first word uttered. More than asking for the firsts, it is of equal importance to ask when the child was able to sit without support, transfer a toy form one hand to another, etc. The latter may prove to be a feat for the parents, but pictures that may remind them and

School programs Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 1750 words

School programs - Essay Example Briefly explain each innovation: one innovation for Pre-School Programs, one for Elementary School Programs, one for Middle School Programs, three for High School Programs and four for College Level Programs One innovation for pre-school programs is smaller classes that are based on a permissive model vs. an authoritarian or inoculation based pre-school program. Smaller classes that permit pre-school learners to explore the environment or educational materials as a preparation for learning can be considered as alternatives to large classes with rote drill learning methods. An example of an innovation in elementary school would be a participative and competitive spelling bee competition in class where all students were required to display and test knowledge vs. a rote, repetition and repeat spelling drill led by the teacher and followed by the class in unison. In Middle School, providing students a three hour period of intense guided instruction in a subject of specialization could be an innovation and reform that is an alternative to the relatively low amount of instructional time in classes and the general, homogenized nature of reproduction of class lectures and course material. In High Schools, increasing the level and quality of education in public schools is an important innovation, as is increasing the degree of personal and family choice in attending institutions. Making the 10th through 12th classes a more intensive time of study and preparation for students for future education and career choices is important. Increasing the student and family participation in school organization and management can lead to more feeling of involvement and ownership in institutions. Widening the areas of specialized studies by decreasing class or group sizes and increasing independent study ad research in subjects also build proficiencies in students. At the College or University level, implementing the reform of universal, free access to education is the most important and needed goal. That knowledge and learning is restricted by economics or socio-economic resources on a personal or family level leads to a divided society and class structure. Furthering student organization of classes and research would also build inclusion on campus. There are many options to cooperate to save costs in housing, food, books, etc. that are not undertaken because of the profit motive in education. Developing a more collective, self-organized, and non-profit approach to education at the university level is an important part of universal education reform practically. Students should have more freedom in designing their own areas of study, in both specialization and cross-disciplinary studies. Essay #2 - Try to chart the ways in which the American educational system (for publically funded schools) has historically attempted to reach its institutional goals. That means for you to sketch the ways our society has approached the process of education. Now try to explain ho w this process is mediated by having to keep attention on funding issues. The main goal of the American education system has been to provide a free or publicly funded educational opportunity from K-12 for all students or citizens of the country. The combinations of State, Local, and Federal taxes are used to this purpose. The higher education is based on student born costs that may be defrayed by the difference between public, or State-sponsored and subsidized schools, or private colleges and universities. The ideal of a broad general education as basis of citizenship developed from basic literacy requirements as a foundation for democratic citizenship. Nevertheless, the American system of education also is focused in producing

Leadership And Management In Organization Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 250 words

Leadership And Management In Organization - Essay Example Management, like leadership, is ethically neutral (Charan et al 2001). I understand that managers mobilize and allocate resources; they staff and ensure the continuing vitality of the team; they create and maintain appropriate procedures. They also direct, delegate, and coordinate, and they provide a system of incentives to motivate and encourage productive behavior. Managers also establish reporting systems, perform evaluations, and assign accountability. Common to both managers and leaders is the focus on the results they produce, which are based on the goals they pursue (Hoyle and Wilmore 2002). I would like to research the relations between leadership and managerial success as measured by achievement, not by the process used to accomplish the results. The research will benefit my personal communication skills and will help me to deal with difficult managerial situations in my job. Based on this results-oriented philosophy of management, the new definition of management focuses on outcome Remember that managerial performance is not judged entirely in terms of success or failure. Rather, performance is measured in terms of progress in relation to the goal. The focus is on lessons learned, and learning is a core value (Cole, 2005). In this sense, success becomes a journey, rather than a destination. We cannot produce positive results every time.

Biomechanics Case Study Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 750 words

Biomechanics - Case Study Example However the forces are greatest at posterolateral bundle at fullest extension. The posterolateral bundle withstands more force than the anterolateral bundles. Most common cause of ACL injury is due to non contact deccelatory forces involving lateral bending of the knee to a valgus position causing extension of the knee and rotation of the tibia(Boden et al, 2009)(Giuliani et al , 2009). Immediately after the tear of the ACL or inury to the ACL she should be asked to take rest so as to prevent further movement which can cause wear and tear. Ice should be applied every 15- 20 minutes and compression should be provided on the affected portion. Finally the injured knee should be elevated above the heart level in order to reduce the swelling and reduce episodes of pain (Benjaminse et al, 2006). Kinematic research has revealed that the quadriceps contraction is responsible for the greatest strain on the ACL graft between 10 degree and 45 degree of flexion. The ACL graft is devoid of the normal mechanoreceptors and may not provide biofeedback like in the uninjured knee. These factors are to be considered for the long term rehabilitation programs. The overall aim for the long term rehabilitation is to restore the joint anatomy, provide static and dynamic stability to the joint, maintain aerobic and psychological conditioning and ultimately aim this athlete to easy return to sporting activity. For this a four step approach is followed. In the first phase comprising one or two weeks the aim of therapy is to reduce the pain and inflammation and increase the range of motion of the knee. A postoperative brace is used ranging 30 degree to 90 degree till there is adequate quadriceps control. Physiotherapy is to be provided with the emphasis to static contractions of hamstrings and c o-contractions for the hamstrings and the quadriceps. Partial

Post Partum Depression Essay Example for Free

Post Partum Depression Essay ABSTRACT   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚   Every woman who becomes a mother has their own reasons of being happy after giving birth to a child. The first days of a child in their arms seems to be the greatest gift that they have ever received in their entire lives. However, things at times turn out uneasily different as the view of the mother to her new born child and at times even towards her husband changes. At some point, she treats the people visiting her in a wrong manner. Being overly anxious about things and extremely depressed in either the morning or the evening becomes her usual reaction to the things happening around her. Is she going crazy? No, she is simply experiencing Post Partum Depression. It is a matter of situation by which a new mother’s hormones are unstable that her emotions are controlled by the changes that her body undergoes after giving birth to her child. This is the main issue that shall be tackled within the paper that follows.   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚   How does one understand what Post Partum Depression really is? How is it supposed to be dealt with by the mother and by other people living around her? Is it a serious problem that needs medical treatment? How will the family members know when to ask for professional help? TO the women experiencing this particular matter of situation, how would they be able to overcome it? These are only among the few questions that shall be addressed in the paper that shall be presented herein. Through the discussions that shall be noted in this paper, the importance of addressing the matter shall be noted clearly as to how the procedures of dealing with the issue could be practically applied in actual situations. POST PARTUM DEPRESSION: Dealing With the Ups and Downs of New Motherhood Introduction   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚   The wonder of giving birth is something that is considered as a given gift solely to the feminine gender of the human population. However, the after effects of this particular wonder also belong solely to the women. What is it that makes giving birth a highly depressive matter for some women? This is where the issue of Post Partum Depression comes into light. Undeniably, the process of dealing with this issue is something that needs careful attention not only be the women involved in the situation but also by the people living around them. The term â€Å"postpartum depression† refers to depressive episodes following childbirth. These can occur after the birth of any child, not just the first. Depressive episodes can even follow a miscarriage or termination of a pregnancy. According to the Office on Women’s Health of the U.S. Department of Health and Human Services, there is a wide range in the severity of the symptoms. Many women experience postpartum blues, or baby blues, characterized by mild sadness, anxiety, irritability, fluctuating moods, and fatigue. These blues are considered normal and are short-lived, resolving themselves without medical help within about ten days after childbirth. However, the American College of Obstetricians and Gynecologists estimates that in 1 out of 10 new mothers, these feelings escalate and go beyond the first few days. They can even appear several months after the birth. This may be full-fledged postpartum depression, in which the feelings of sadness, anxiety, or despair are so intense that the new mother has trouble coping with her daily tasks. Additionally, between 1 and 3 new mothers in every 1,000 suffer from an even more severe form of depression called postpartum psychosis, in which the mother has delusions or hallucinations that often focus on hurting herself or her baby. This latter condition requires immediate medical attention. There is no single clearly defined cause of postpartum depression. Both physical and emotional factors seem to be involved. One physical factor may be that in the first 24 to 48 hours after delivery, estrogen and progesterone levels drop sharply, to a point lower than before conception, creating an abrupt change in the physiological state of the body. This may trigger depression in much the same way as mood swings and tension are triggered before menstrual periods. The level of hormones produced by the thyroid may also drop after childbirth. This could result in symptoms that mimic depression. For these reasons researchers are calling PPD a â€Å"biochemical and hormonal disorder.† Interestingly, one medical newsletter suggests that postpartum depression may be caused by a nutritional imbalance, perhaps a B-complex deficiency. Fatigue and lack of sleep can also play a role. Says Dr.  Steven I. Altchuler, a psychiatrist at Mayo Clinic in Minnesota, U.S.A.: â€Å"In the period shortly after childbirth, lack of energy and an inability to sleep may make minor problems seem much more major. Some women might be frustrated to find that they have difficulty coping with things that they had handled well before delivery, without the baby blues, and with a full night’s sleep.† Emotional factors such as an unplanned pregnancy, a premature birth, loss of freedom, concern about attractiveness and lack of support can also add to depression. Additionally, there are several common myths about being a mother that can contribute to a woman’s feeling depressed and feeling that she is a failure. These include the idea that motherhood skills are instinctive, that bonding should be immediate, that the baby will be perfect and never fussy, and that the new mother should be perfect. In real life this is not the case. Mothering skills need to be learned, bonding often takes time, some babies are easier to care for than others, and no mother is perfect or a super mom. Obviously from this particular overview of the situation, post partum depression stands as a common thing that is experienced by women who have given birth to young infants. As common as it is, the situation is indeed something that could be dealt with conscientiously. Through the process of understanding the situation towards the process of making amends with the person dealing with the dilemma, the problem with Post Partum Depression could be won. Methodology and Result Presentation   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚   To understand how women affected by Post partum Depression react towards the problem, the researcher of this paper decided to interview at least 20 women who have just given birth with at least three days from the actual delivery of their babies. This interview-survey has been delivered by the researcher to finally give a lighter view of the dilemma that women deal with after giving birth to their infants.   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚   The interviewees consisted of both first time mothers and experienced mothers alike so as to set the matter of differences and similarities between the cases that needs concern in the issue of dealing with PPD [Post Partum Depression]. Until recently, postpartum depression was often not taken seriously. Dr.  Laurence Kruckman points out: â€Å"Women’s mental health issues have been overlooked and labeled in the past as hysteria, not worthy of concern. The American Psychiatric Association’s diagnostic manual (DSM  IV) has never fully acknowledged the presence of postpartum illness, and as a result, doctors have not been educated about it nor has reliable data been obtained. .  .  . And unlike 30 years ago, mothers often go home from the hospital within 24 hours. Most postpartum psychoses, blues and some depression occur within three to 14 days following birth. So the mothers are already at home and not screened by professionals who know the symptoms.† However, according to Dr.  Carol E. Watkins of the Northern County Psychiatric Associates in Baltimore, Maryland, if left undiagnosed or untreated, postpartum depression can lead to long-term depression and difficulty in bonding with the baby. Depressed mothers may passively ignore their baby’s needs or, conversely, lose control and use physical punishment to discipline their infants. This can negatively affect the cognitive and emotional development of the child. For example, an article in the journal American Family Physician suggests that young children of depressed mothers perform more poorly on cognitive tests than those of mothers who were not depressed. Additionally, postpartum depression can adversely affect the other children and the husband.   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚   Furthermore the results of the interview-survey used in this research yielded the following diagrammatic presentations. To understand the issue clearly, the illustrations are to be presented as follows: The Elements of POST PARTUM DEPRESSION: DIAGRAM 1:   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚   Explanation:   From the diagram noted herein, it is noticeable enough that the women involved with Post Partum Depression deal with different anxieties causing the situation to worsen. Being overly anxious about not being cared about and being less treated well by the other members of the family because of the arrival of the new infant is indeed a matter of elemental factor that brings a greater pressure on the mother experiencing PDD.   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚   This is the major reason why dealing with the issue involves not only the woman or her husband alone but also the other members of the family as well. The following points are considered to be among the most effective procedures of dealing with the dilemma according to the studies that had been made under the topic of Post Partum Depression. The said points of consideration are as follows: Talk to someone about your feelings, particularly other mothers. Ask others to help you with child care, household chores, and errands. Ask your husband to share in nighttime feeding duties and household chores. Find time to do something positive for yourself, even if it is for only 15 minutes a day. Try reading, taking a walk, taking a relaxing bath. Even if you can get only one thing done in any given day, this is a step in the right direction. There may be days when you cannot get anything done. Try not to be angry with yourself when this happens.   Isolation often perpetuates depression. Get dressed, and leave the house for at least a short while each day. Fresh air and a change of scenery will do you and your baby a lot of good. These particular patterns of dealing with the situation needs to be carefully understood by the person themselves. This means that the adjustment must come from the mother herself. What can be done? Do you just have to tough it out? It is comforting to know that postpartum depression has been found to be both temporary and treatable. While rest and family support may be all that is needed for mild symptoms, the key sign that medical attention is necessary is if the depression disrupts your ability to function, says the Office on Women’s Health. Common treatments are antidepressant medication, talking with a mental-health expert, hormone treatment, or a combination of these, depending upon the severity of the case. Kangaroo, or skin-to-skin, care of the baby may also lessen maternal depression. There are also such alternative treatments as herbs, acupuncture, and homeopathic remedies. However, there are some things that you can do personally to cope. These include eating a nutritious diet (including fruits, vegetables, and whole-grain cereals); avoiding caffeine, alcohol, and sugar; exercising in moderation; and taking a nap when your baby is asleep. Since a major factor in postpartum depression is lack of proper rest, other people can help by assuming some of the household chores and sharing in child care. Studies show that far less postpartum depression occurs where the extended family rallies around to provide support and instruction. Many times a person can be of great assistance by just being a sympathetic listener, giving the new mother reassurance, and avoiding criticizing or judging. Remember, PPD is a physical disorder and is not self-induced. As the organization Postpartum Education for Parents points out, â€Å"a woman cannot ‘pull herself together’ any more than she could if she had the flu, diabetes, or heart disease.† From the foregoing, it can be seen that although the postpartum period can be a wonderful time for new mothers, it can also be stressful. Understanding it can help us to give the support new mothers need. The Use of Hoe Massage Therapy   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚   Every massage therapy is supposed to make close amends with the situation of the persons being affected by post partum depression. A touch therapy such as that of massage could play a great help for those suffering from the dilemma. Undoubtedly, the Hoe massage therapy which is a Japanese originated massage procedure is sure to make a sufferer of post partum depression feel relaxed as it rejuvenates the being of a person through natural scents and aroma therapy altogether. The holistic process of massaging the body would make the patient feel relived and rejuvenated to face another day of turmoil.   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚   In short, the hoe massage is an undoubted process that is now being applied to most patients undergoing the effects of Post Partum Depression. Such patients who have   experienced this massage have given considerable reactions that they were certainly given the best approach of healing that they could ever imagine through the Hoe Massage Therapy applied on them for several weeks and even months. They even said that when they feel stressful, even when the postpartum dilemma is over, they resort to how massage therapy just the same to calm things down and bring their spirit to a renewed state. Conclusion   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚   Understanding Post Partum Depression is a vital part in dealing with the dilemma that new mothers mostly deal with. The after birth depression among new mothers, both first time and non-first-timers have naturally brought problems to new families. Not understanding the situation underlying this particular matter would make things certainly confusing as the mother would naturally require the same level of attention that is further given by the father or other members of the family to the newly born infant. Scheduling activities and providing further assistance with that of the relaxing time of the mother should be given close attention by the family members.   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚   Understandably, Post Partum Depression is a matter of situation that could be dealt with through the application of full control of the situation with ample patience and understanding from the people involved. Constant understanding of the situation with the application of the necessary measures needed to treat the dilemma should be well viewed so as to bring fine results to the mother of the child and the other family members as well. Through this, the development of the dilemma could be expected to yield fine results on the part of the woman or the mother overcoming the dilemma brought about bu Post Partum Depression. References: Appleby, Louis, Rachel Warner, Brian Faragher, and Anna Whitton. A Controlled Study of Fluoxetine and Cognitive-Behavioural Counseling in the Treatment of Postnatal Depression. British Medical Journal. 314.n7085. 932-937   Appleby, Louis, Rachel Warner, Brian Faragher, and Anna Whitton. A Controlled Study of Fluoxetine and Cognitive-Behavioural Counseling in the Treatment of Postnatal Depression. British Medical Journal. 314.n7085. 932-937 Appleby, Louis, Rachel Warner, Brian Faragher, and Anna Whitton. A Controlled Study of Fluoxetine and Cognitive-Behavioural Counseling in the Treatment of Postnatal Depression. British Medical Journal. 314.n7085. 932-937 Fray, Kathy: Oh BabyBirth, Babies Motherhood Uncensored, pages 364-381, Random House NZ, 2005

Politics in 1930s Britain Essay Example for Free

Politics in 1930s Britain Essay Why did neither the CPGB nor the BUF have much political impact in 1930s Britain? The early 20th century brought the arrival of political extremism and radical ideologies in Europe. Major economic and social upheaval from WW1 changed the industrial, political and social nature of the countries affected by the war. Political extremism is radical left or right wing parties that want social/political change, usually by unconstitutional means. Communism emerged in Russia with the installation of the Soviet regime, and Fascism arrived in Italy and Germany. In Britain, although the BUF and the CPGB were set up, the economic and political circumstances during the 1930s allowed democracy to survive. To those concerned with British security, the BUF/CPGB were never a real threat, they were rather more of a nuisance. 1 The BUF and CPGB believed they would be able to capitalise on the depression, however this was not the case, as the conditions a revolution needed to prevail were not present in Britain. The economic circumstances in Italy, Germany and Russia, were completely different- the effects of the depression in Europe were more severe, and had more of a lasting effect, whereas Britain had recovered within two or three years. Economic circumstances meant that most people accepted capitalism, as living standards were rising. Demographic change, resulting in major loss of workforce and economic dislocation were other factors which encouraged the installation of dictatorships in Europe. Immigration also caused political/social unrest abroad, for example, in Germany; Jewish immigrants were blamed for the economic state. Britains island status meant that the threat of political extremism was not as concerning as it was in most other parts of mainland Europe. The political scene during the 1930s also meant that people were satisfied- National Government policies were accepted, and most left-wing supporters were content with the Labour party. People accepted democracy and capitalism, and did not need alternatives. British culture, which tended to focus around moderation and democracy, meant that foreign regimes seemed alien to the country. The working-class culture, discouraged extremist expansion as the unemployed tended to be apolitical. Internal problems such as financing and leadership issues also hindered the growth of the BUF/CPGB. However, although internal factors were important in the containment of political extremism in 1930s Britain, British economic circumstances had the greatest impact on the failure of the CPGB and BUF, and the internal problems might have not hindered the growth of extremism in different economic circumstances. Although the impact of political extremism in 1930s Britain was very slight, there is also evidence which suggests that a fairly large amount of loyalty was present. For example, the BUF gained support from the Daily Mail, and the communist newspaper the Daily Worker had a large readership. Membership figures for the Left Book Club also suggest the CPGB had some backing. The main factors concerning the failure of political extremism in 1930s Britain can be divided into two sections; external and internal causes. External factors concern the economic/political circumstances which prevented the installation of a dictatorship, and internal factors are problems encountered within the parties. The recovery from the depression was much less traumatic in Britain. Many saw the 1930s as a time of extreme poverty, however for the larger majority, this was not the case, and affluence was not uncommon. John Stevenson writes: The popular image of the 1930s is that of the decade blighted by the economic depression. Indeed, this is an image based upon reality for the many thousands of families who suffered from the miseries of unemployment. But there was another face to the thirties. As well as being the years of the slump, they also saw a remarkable degree of economic and social advance, with new industries, economic growth, prosperous suburbs and a rising standard of living2 Britain had already suffered from a poor economy during the 1920s- depression was already a permanent feature of the British economy3 Therefore, although the recovery was patchy, i.e. a slight downturn in 1938, Britain was not unfamiliar to the situation. In comparison to Russia/Germany, who suffered from major economic dislocation and hyperinflation, Britain did not fare too badly from the depression. Britains recovery was quicker and a lot more stable than other European countries- there was no banking collapse, and many industries actually inclined. Infact, as Stevenson writes, the outcome of the depression could actually be seen as positive. During the housing boom of 1932-34, living standards increased and the quality of life improved for many. Unemployment levels were relatively low compared to the rest of Europe, with a peak of 2.64m in 1931-324 and real wages increased by 15%. Car production was one of the most significant industrial developments in the 1930s and by 1939 ownership reached 3 million.5 This improved life for many, as the car gave freedom and the possibility of travel. Mass production methods enabled cars to be manufactured cheaper and faster than before, meaning that a basic family car could be purchased for à ¯Ã‚ ¿Ã‚ ½100 in 19316, and this opportunity therefore became available to a wider range of people. Luxury consumer goods e.g. the refrigerator, began appearing in new department stores, and the availability of higher-purchase enabled wider sections of society to afford these. By 1930, 1 in 3 houses also had electricity.7 All these factors contributed to the improvement of living standards and for the majority of the country; there was a mood of affluence and prosperity. As effects of the depression lessened, so did the appeal of an extremist party- people no longer needed radical change, and were satisfied with capitalism. The recovery from the depression came around the same time as the arrival of extremism in Britain- the BUF formed in 1931, by time which the worst part of the depression was over. However, few of the people that were affected by the depression became communist/fascist. Most tended not to foster a class-consciousness, and accepted the capitalist system. The working-class culture meant that the unemployed tended to be apolitical; their interests lay in recreation, sport, religion and job-seeking, and rarely paid attention to the extremist campaign. Therefore, the economic/social situation during the 1930s, meant revolution was not needed- it could even be said that the arrival of political extremism in Britain was a revolution in a non-revolutionary situation.8 Financial satisfaction and an improvement in living/working conditions meant that the public simply did not need an extremist political voice. This denied the BUF/CPGB opportunities for expansion and enabled mainstream political parties to survive. Although the 1931 crisis hit the Labour badly- they were badly defeated in the election (46 seats to the Governments 554 9), the party still held onto core support, as loyalty, from working classes and unemployed, was strong. Labour was a big obstacle to the communists, and denied them space on the political scene. Labour was committed to using moderate policies, and by using the gradualist approach, they believed socialism was achievable if capitalism was prosperous. This theory meant Labour could hold an electorate from a wide range of social classes, not just from the working class. However, most of the working class approved of this approach, and most also accepted capitalism. Labours refusal to affiliate with the CPGB on many opportunities also decreased its support. The CPGBs requests to form a coalition with Labour were rejected on each occasion, mainly due to Labours objection to their constitution program. Unconstitutional action and political extremism were ruled out by Labours firm commitment to parliamentary democracy. Cripps stated- I have always condemned revolutionary means10. Labours rejection of affiliation was influenced by the fact that the CPGB was run from Moscow, which meant if a coalition was formed between the two parties, the public would automatically associate Labour with Russia. As the brutality of the Soviet regime was revealed, i.e. show trials- involving public executions of Stalins enemies-, which were endorsed by the CPGB (the Daily Workers headline read- Shoot the reptiles.11) Labour did not want to be seen by voters as having any contact with this, and wanted to keep its earned image of respectability-connections with this would have greatly lowered their support. Labour was also extremely suspicious of the CPGB and believed that their desire to affiliate was in order to bring the party down and achieve global communist control. Labour worked to marginalize the CPGB, and by using popular and moderate policies such as gradualism, left-wing supporters still remained loyal to them. Again, the economic situation was satisfactory, so for the majority, there was no need to turn to communism. Dominated by Conservatives, the National Government denied the BUF space on the political right. The National Government was extremely popular, and was perhaps able to capitalize on Labours 1931 crisis. The National Government was one of the only British governments that were supported by more than 50% of the electorate.12 Their success was mainly due to the range of people which it drew votes from- they were a coalition of elements from all major democratic parties, and so appealed to almost all sections of society. Therefore, they faced no serious opposition, and again, as Labour did, were able to effectively contain political extremism. Stability and reassurance were offered by the National Government, as they were seen as a safe-option both politically and socially, at a time when communism and the end of capitalism were feared. National Government policies created a modest but steady economic recovery from the depression. One of the main achievements of the National Government was the decision to come off the Gold Standard. This meant a much faster recovery than the rest of Europe as nowhere else had yet done this. Although the outcome of this caused the value of the pound to fall by 30%, it also meant that interest rates fell from 6% to 2%13. This encouraged private investment and industry growth, which inevitably improved the economy. The Special Areas Act provided à ¯Ã‚ ¿Ã‚ ½2million in aid to impoverished areas of Britain, (places where the CPGB were most likely to gain support). This therefore increased working class National Government support, and meant there was no need to support the alternative. Another National Government measure was the Unemployment Act of 1934, which created retraining opportunities. This showed the government were aware of Britains problems, and were willing to try to resolve them. All these measures were cautious and small-scale, and although they did not lead to complete economic recovery, they certainly helped soften the impact of the depression. The publics perception of the National Government and its policies/actions, tended to be positive. Again, they were seen as a safe-option, and appealed to all sections of society. The National Governments Public Order Act in 1936, also increased the containment of political extremism in Britain, and in particular decreased BUF growth. This legislation banned the wearing of political uniforms during rallies and marches, and also required police consent for marches to take place. Uniforms gave a common identity and a sense of belonging, and so after the Public Order Act, the desired impact of the rallies was not as great. In general the National Government reduced the appeal of political extremism, as people did not need to turn to other parties. They also denied right wing support to fascism. Enough was already being done by the government to improve the economic situation, and in particularly the living conditions of the very poor, so an alternative was not needed. The National Government derived from all parts of the democratic parliamentary system, and so appealed to a broad section of society. The political and economic circumstances described in the last three sections all added to the containment of political extremism during the 1930s. Together, the Labour party and the National Government refused to let democracy collapse. However, this was compounded by the approach of the BUF/CPGB (e.g. non-democratic) and their own weaknesses. One of the problems the CPGB faced was its lack of a well-known, charismatic leader. Although Dutt and Pollit were the partys chief theoreticians, they lacked charisma and the ability to draw mass support from speeches, as Lenin/Stalin did. Violence and street clashes, particularly with fascists, gave the party a bad name, as this kind of behavior tended to be alien to British culture- politics had always been moderate and democratic, and the majority of the public opposed unconstitutional action. The failure of the CPGBs united front strategy, and attempts at affiliating with Labour against the radical right, was also a factor that decreased the impact of communism. Labour were very popular and many held strong loyalties towards them, and so if Labour held opposition, the public were likely to foster similar opinions. The CPGB were controlled from Moscow, and links with the Soviet Union decreased support. A red scare in Britain meant that the CPGB received extremely bad publicity, after the harsh Soviet regime was revealed. The 1939 Nazi-Soviet Pact also lost the CPGB support, as many felt they were affiliating with the enemy- the fascists. Britains patriotism also decreased CPGB support, as on the eve of WW2, supporting them meant also supporting the enemies in the war- Germany/Russia. Internal problems for the BUF also led to failure. Mosleys limitations as a leader hindered the BUFs expansion, as he was a poor tactician and administrator. Mosley lacked financial understanding, and his stubborn and egoistic personality compounded this. He was also politically unstable- he resigned from Labour in 1930 after already having left the Coalition Unionists. Mosleys behavior was alien to Britain and its parliamentary traditions, as was the violence of the BUF which also led to its demise. Street clashes, where some people even died, produced bad publicity for the party- the media blamed the BUF for the violence at Olympia in 1934. It was at this time that the Daily Mail withdrew support, which meant that public respectability was lost. Associations with continental fascism- particularly Hitlers regime- and anti-Semitism propaganda, also lost the BUF public respectability and support as it meant that by supporting the BUF the public would also be supporting Germany. Financing was also a significant problem, as the BUF were always short of money, which was made worse in 1937, as loans from Mussolini were withdrawn. Divisions within the party also led to the partys failure- members disagreed over strategy- e.g. whether to adopt a military or political approach. Despite remaining on the political margins, the CPGB/BUF did have some notable successes. The BUF secured Daily Mail support from early on, and the Olympia rallies always attracted large audiences. BUF membership peaked at 50,000 in 1934,14 and CPGB membership had reached 18,000 by 1939.15 In 1929, 25 CPGB candidates were entered into the election, and received 56,000 votes16. The communist newspaper, the Daily Worker had an average circulation of 80,000.17 The CPGB also held support from a number of influential intellectuals, for example, Cambridge spies Philby, Burgess and Maclean, and poets such as W.H Auden. The CPGB also had some influence in trade unions, and by 1939, the Left Book Club had 60,000 members.18 The economic situation in Britain was the most important factor in the containment of extremism. The rise of living standards, real wages and industrial production gave Britain a positive outlook, at a time when the rest of Europe seemed to be in an economic disaster. The economic circumstances meant there was no room on the political scene for radicalism- the public were satisfied with the capitalist system, and favored moderation and democracy. Political circumstances were equally important in the containment of extremism. Without a successful government, which the National Government proved themselves to be, the economic situation may have been entirely different, and may have encouraged the installation of a dictatorship. Despite slow progress, the National Government was eventually able to steer Britain out of an economic crisis. Britains public appeared to have great confidence in its leaders, and traditional British political methods and democracy succeeded. If the government had not been as successful however, perhaps the BUF/CPGB may have had more political impact. Although important, internal problems within the CPGB/BUF, are of lesser significance. If the economic/political circumstances were different, these problems may not have hindered the growth of the parties. An economic situation similar to Europe, may have caused people to be desperate for a political/social change, without paying attention to problems suffered by the CPGB/BUF such as leadership and financing. However, with better tactics and administration, both parties may have made a greater impact on the 1930s political scene. 1 Colin Cook, British Fascism, Modern History Review p2 2 Stevenson, John and Cook, Chris, Britain in the Depression- Society and Politics 1929-39 Longman p15 3 Rees, Goronwy, The Great Slump, Weidenfeld N p40 4 Class handout 5 Stevenson, John and Cook, Chris, Britain in the Depression- Society and Politics 1929-39 Longman p33 6 Stevenson, John and Cook, Chris, Britain in the Depression- Society and Politics 1929-39 Longman p33 7 Class handouts- The British economy in the 1920s 8 Pearce, Robert, Britain- Domestic Politics 1918-39 Hodder Stoughten p112 9 Murphy, Derek, Britain 1914-2000 Collins Educational p83

What makes education an education?

What makes education an education? Assignments. Exams. Projects. Papers. All these are matters of concern to every student undergoing schooling. It is truly inevitable not to endure the hardships brought by these school activities for they are part of education. Without them, education can never be the education most people have in mind. However, one may ask, What makes education an education? For most people, especially parents, education is quite an important aspect in the course of human life such that they regard it as the only thing they can impart to their children as an inheritance. While for others, on the part of the students, education is the stage in their life which would prepare them for future jobs. Likewise, for those students who had a firm grasp of the essence of education consider it as a right to be upheld by the society itself. At the end of the day, there are numerous reasons on why not to take education for granted. However, more than the various connotation of education from different perspectives lay a complex meaning of education. As such, seeing schooling in the broader sense entails probing the sociology of education. The basic definition of the term sociology of education conveys that it is the study of the institution of education in its broad social context and of various social groups and interpersonal relationships that affect or affected by the functioning of the educational institutions (Reitman, 1981, p.17). With this meaning, it is but necessary to analyze education not within the four walls of the classroom but beyond the confinements of schools. The larger context then is the society in which schools, the main institution of education, are part of. Belonging to this social order are other key institutions and actors which are essentially significant when examining the sociology of education for these possess power, control and influence that can manipulate and alter the kind of education schools ought to promote and teach to young citizens. Hence, it can be inferred that schools are socially const ructed establishments by which powerful elements have the capacity to shape education. Reitman (1981) supported the thought of how society can produce a great impact on pedagogical realm by stating the central principle of schooling which maintains that schools normally reflects the societyà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‚ ¦ it does not lead society in societys effort to adapt and change. Schools tend to change after the rest of society changes, not beforeà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‚ ¦ (Reitman, 1981, p. 39). Under this assumption, a study on the role, whether explicit or implicit, of several factors constituting society in the molding process of education is vital to shed light on the issue of how pedagogical structures and methods are developed and set for the pursuance of effective education. It is also noteworthy to express the far-reaching implications of education in the sense that it affects almost every individual. Every person can perhaps be regarded as a stakeholder of education by which each of its aspects, if modified, can create an impact, no matter how minimal it may appear, sufficient enough to seize attention and stir the intellectual and emotional side of the people. Indeed, schooling and education undeniably involves a complex interplay of different elements to which it reacts and to which the produced effects yield to changes in the structure of schooling. These changes on the other hand are oftentimes attached to the interests of the dominant constituent of the social order. To better illustrate this statement, the paper provides a clear-cut description of the nature of education and the scope of schools as an educational institution. Nonetheless, to further understand the technicalities associated with schools, there is a need to define schools as an educational institution, as well as, to expound the structure of authority evident among these institutions. Moreover, the political dynamics accompanying the sociology of education which may be apparent and obscure at the same time are elucidated under the contexts in which education operates such as the cultural and ideological setting of the politicization of education, the milieu of power configurations and relations, and the framework of globalization. Certain pedagogical implications are also explicated to illustrate the wide-ranging bearing of educational reforms or policies on concerned and affected individuals as a whole. Understanding schooling and education in this approach allows the people to view and analyze schooling and education objectively and critically. In this manner, learners, educators, as well as those people who have no access to education, may no longer be mere passive recipients of the conceptions of education as prescribed by the society; rather, they may be the critics of diverse pedagogical perceptions who aim not only the betterment of education itself but the rectitude of knowledge and consciousness schools propagate as well. In connection with this, Henry Giroux (1985) asserted, the need for a passionate commitment by educators to make the political more pedagogical, that is, to make critical reflection and action a fundamental part of a social project that not only engages forms of oppression but also develops a deep and abiding faith in the struggle to humanize life itself (Freire, 1921, p. 5). It is certainly a conviction and a challenge all at once that is not simple and ea sy to actualize, however, displaying a demeanor of open mindedness and critical thinking, such may be achieved. To realize this kind of goal is to take a step-by-step scrutiny of the sociology of education. Initially, a description of schools as an educational institution would help facilitate the study. Educational institutions are considered part of the society which exist to help preserve or modify the conditions of life by promoting teaching and learning of one sort or another (Reitman, 1981, p. 25). These institutions are also responsible for the continuity of social norms, values, customs and traditions in a certain societal area, as one generation passes after another. However, it is important to note that institutions of education do not necessarily denote schools for there are those which have no formalized curriculum or program of instruction, just like what schools have. Those belonging to this type are referred to as the informal educational institutions. These include, as enumerated by Sandford W. Reitman (1981), families, peer groups, mass media, work places, church, special-inte rest groups, social service agencies and the social class or the social stratum. Schools, on the other hand, are identified as the formal educational institutions. Nevertheless, it is surprising to know that the informal institutions have more encompassing influence than the formal ones due to the fact that they occupy a larger portion of the society. Meanwhile, Reitman (1981) on his book entitled, Education, Society, and Change, explained that a changing society that moves forward to a more complex state requires, in effect, a more systematized process of cultural transmission which informal educational institutions cannot fully ensure. Thus, the formation of formal educational institutions or what most people commonly know as schools was introduced. Herein lies various views regarding the issues on what the schools ought to do as part of the society, on what pedagogical methods they should adapt, on how changes in society affect schooling per se, and on how schools consolidate different predispositions of several stakeholders and other equally significant considerations. One of the perspectives delineated in relation to the above-mentioned concerns was the image of school as both a factory-like and temple-like institution. Deal and Peterson (1994) provided two metaphors which mirror contending perceptions about the purpose and design of schools. One metaphor portrays the image of schools being a factory while the other signifies them as cathedrals or temples. The former symbol perceives schools in a rational way such that schools function like a factory which focuses on results, outputs, structures and roles (Deal Peterson, 1994, p. 70). Such comparison presupposes the goal-oriented approach of schools with regards to their main concerns: student control and academic achievement. In this manner, schools manifest organized, systematized and technical fashion of delivering their functions. Moreover, this way of looking at school emphasizes the importance of managing their technical mission: instruction (Deal Peterson, 1994, p. 70). On the other hand, the latter representation is the symbolic image of schools being envisioned as a temple by which the responsibility of schools to make sure that cultural patterns and practices adhere to the existing values and beliefs of the society is assured. Likewise, it is but necessary to state that this conception embraces the importance of values, commitment, passion, vision, and heart-key ingredients of a beloved institution (Deal Peterson, 1994, p. 71). In this picture, Deal and Peterson (1994) stressed that the factory-like functions of schools are only secondary to that of the functions of the temple figure of schools. Such assumes that these factory roles are to maintain the temple character of schools. Another view on the aspect of school as an educational institution was the belief that schooling opportunity can be considered as one of the best investments a society could make to ensure its own future (Hurn, 1993, p. 264). Christopher J. Hurn (1993) expounded such an optimistic notion of schooling prevalent during the 1970s, stating that education reinforces cognitive competence among citizens of a country which the national economy would necessitate eventually from its populace. In addition to the ambiance of optimism, the faith in education emerged. This so-called faith mainly points out that education plays an important role in shaping a more humane, tolerant, and democratic social order. It is this idea that propagated the impression of how schooling molds the society towards reason and knowledge rather than tradition and prejudice (Hurn, 1993, p. 264). Both of these perceptions of schooling constitute only a few out of the other diverse perspectives of the essence of education. It is important to note, however, the major difference between the two: the former assumes that it is the society which is responsible for the schools make-up simply by comparing it with other institutions of the community, while the latter presupposes that the school and its educational structure primarily affects what the society would be like. Which among the two or the other views of education and schooling would be true is something relative to the interpretation of different people with different stake on education itself. Nevertheless, it is relevant to take into consideration the role of a variety of factors and the interplay of these elements that influence the manner by which people would interpret education. It is because such inclusion to the analysis of the nature and scope of education could perhaps account for the dichotomized, or even dispara te, perceptions of schooling. Further explanations and details regarding this perceptual divide in aspect of schooling would be given specific focus under the discussion of the political dynamics in education found in the succeeding paragraphs. On the other hand, to shed light on the true nature of education and schooling, objective analysis of the functions and the structure of formal education must be taken into account. Reitman (1981) coined the term traditional manifest functions to refer to the functions of schools, particularly American schools, which are demanded by the society. These purposes that tend to serve the social order include the following: (1) selecting and sorting people out for adult roles, considered the most significant manifest function of schools by which students are classified according to academic merits which in turn became the basis for their ability to be qualified in the preexisting economic and social positions; (2) building and maintaining nationalism and citizenship, contextualized during colonial and revolutionary days schools have the duty to establish, inculcate and uphold into students mind allegiance to the national state; (3) transmitting traditional culture, as already mentioned in the previous paragraph, cultural transmission is a relevant obligation of schools that is realized through formal teaching of history and literature; (4) socialization, this, on the other hand, is concerned with the introduction of customs and traditions that are uniformly accepted by the society to the students; (5) propagating religious faith, this applies more to the function of schools in times of colonial period when widespread religious teachings were necessitated to establish colonization; (6) teaching basic skills, reflective of the life-styles and cultural patterns of the society; (7) vocational training, for the mitigation of unemployment in ones economy; and (8) character education, many argued that this purpose is more vital than the first one since this incorporates moral and ethical norms of society which often change overtime (Reitman, 1981, pp. 36-39). Aside from these traditional functions are the emerging school purposes which Reitman (1981) deemed newer and controversial in a sense that they incite deviance from the fundamental and traditional assumptions of education functions. Here are the additional eight functions schools are expected to follow: (1) personal and social problem solving, as manifested in social studies curriculum, schools must be able to adapt to the changing degree of complexity of the society by which individuals and groups are able to solve problems concerning their personal lives and their social environment in which they are part of; (2) social competence in a secondary society, recognizing alterations in the societys operating contexts, one must be able to be adjust to meet new realizations imposed by the new society; (3) diffusion of new knowledge, innovations in technologies resulted to new discoveries that must be taught for students to learn how to cope with a new society different from that of their parents; (4) providing equality of opportunity for a social position, provision of educational opportunities that are accessible to everyone regardless of race, are, gender or economic/social status so as to promote equal competition in the economic marketplace; (5) sex and family life education, the issue of whether schools should involve participation of family and church institutions in teaching such topics which are of immense concern to both; (6) increased functional literacy, the introduction of modern communication aids like visual media put pressure on schools to redesign the basic skills component of their curriculum to integrate latest advancement in technology; (7) development of cosmopolitan attitudes, Reitman (1981) identified vis-à  -vis the idea of cosmopolitanism the role of schools to educate their students to live in such an urbanized, secular, global community (8) existential creativity, development of the free school movement and the thought of open classroom, which perhaps paved the way for the modern idea of academic freedom, provide sufficient grounds for personal expressions of students (Reitman, 1981, pp. 39-43) However, it is important to note that what Reitman (1981) had enumerated as new functions of schools may not necessarily imply the same thing today considering the year such purposes were observed. Yet, these are still relevant facts useful in the analysis of how the sociology of education goes about in line with these functions. Moreover, it is probable to infer that these functions are still regarded as profound insights of school purpose suitably addressed to third world countries. With these purposes and roles of schools and the education that comes with them defined, the need for their fulfillment was to be embodied in the curriculum. The curriculum acts as the means by which the school put into action the functions intended to serve the society (Reitman, 1981). It is described as an organized sequence of learning experiences that seeks to strengthen the concept of education as a tool for the development of knowledge and understanding (Peters, 1991, p.5). In relation to the curriculum schools choose to implement, Reitman (1981) distinguished two of its kinds: the official curriculum and the invisible curriculum. The former which is also known as the formal curriculum reflects the preferred educational purpose of the school and comprises mandated instructions regarding learning processes, usually characterized by the subjects included, the students will experience as they interact with their teachers. On the one hand, the second type of curriculum is called the invisible curriculum. It is invisible in the sense that schools have hidden curricular activities such that the invisible curriculum may be understood as school activity that commonly takes place as part of the implementation of the official program, but which is not officially mandated (Reitman, 1981, pp. 4-5). An example of the implementation of the invisible curriculum is when teachers try to reinforce a sense of superiority among students in the society, to motivate them to study and to maintain their grades qualified for college admissions through mentioning the schools impressive record of getting its graduates into prominent universities (Reitman, 1981). As Hugh Sockett (n.d.) remarked on his article Curriculum Planning: Taking a Means to an End, curriculum is indeed the means which schools utilize to reach the end (Peters, 1973). Looking at the curriculum-based facet of schools, it may appear that schooling has its own way of perceiving and analyzing reality objectively such that the institution itself has no place in the political spectrum of society. It is as if the school is out of the box, or in other words, it is apart from the society it studies, when in reality, schools are affected by the spontaneous and dynamic changes happening in the society. The fact that curricula are set by someone or some group of individuals belonging to the school administration or to a higher level of institution which has a say on the matter emphasizes the idea of school being a political institution, contrary to the belief that schools are nonpolitical institutions and that schooling, as an effect, is a nonpolitical affair. As Reitman (1981) reiterated the idea, he asserted: à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‚ ¦.elementary and secondary schools, as well as most colleges and universities, have always been involved in struggles for power over the ends and means of education (underscoring mine). Today, public schools are increasingly forced to compete with other agencies of government for scarce financial and other resources. Schoolingà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‚ ¦ has been a major political endeavor since colonial timesà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‚ ¦. (Reitman, 1981, pp.321-322) This statement proves how schooling and education go beyond the four walls of a classroom. In addition, formal education is claimed to be a semblance of a political system and in effect, schooling is somewhat a highly political endeavor (Reitman, 1981). Herein, the taking into account of the structure of authority in formal education to better describe how school became politicized by various factors is necessary. Also, it is important to note that the structure of authority falls under two kinds, whether it be informal or formal: the informal aspect refers to the power and influence of interest groups in the realm of school or educational politics while the formal type implies the hierarchy of authority from the lowest division in the school administration to the higher offices of the state government (Reitman, 1981). Reitman (1981) stated that it is in the schooling processes that school politics starts to develop. It is through these processes that different people want to benefit from in the forms of higher salaries, greater financial assistance for curricular and extracurricular programs, or larger funds for capital outlays for new buildings or updated textbooks, that developed the notion of school politics. With all these interests of different people consolidated according to their similarities, there form interest groups, considering that individual efforts will be likely ignored by higher school officials or decision-makers unless that person is the representative of the group or that individual possesses political influence due to financial and social resources. Participation of these groups to implement their particular educational concerns is made realized through political process (Reitman, 1981). Raywid (n.d.), as quoted by Reitman (1981), separated interest groups into two groups: th e legitimate groups and the illegitimate ones. The difference lies in the three rules to which these groups abide in making and pressing their claims. The rules are (1) rules of evidence (is the truth being sincerely sought after and exposed when found?); (2) rules of democracy (is the group open and above board about its motives and methods?); (3) rules of common decency (does the group avoid smear campaigns and slanderous literature?) (Reitman, 1981, p. 329). Under the legitimate interest group category cited by most political scientists are the local teachers organizations, Parent-Teacher Association, civic organizations, civil rights organizations, local chambers of commerce and branches, and ad-hoc groups of budget-minded taxpayers. Whether these groups support or attack schools in favor of their interests, Raywid considered them legitimate for they adhere to the three sets of broad criteria mentioned above (Reitman, 1981). Meanwhile, Bailey (n.d.) also classified interest groups into two basic types: those pro-school and those in opposition to schools. The former includes (1) educational academics (teachers of teachers) who are very important in initiating debate on many political issues; (2) state educational and political officials who bargain with lobbyist, pass laws, and issue directives; (3) professional educators; and (4) surprise actors, that is, coalitions of citizens who align with schools for various reasons. On the other hand, the latter consists of (1) the Roman Catholic Church; (2) tax-minded business groups or owners of commercial real estate; (3) rural groups such as farmers associations which tend to oppose increasing state involvement in education; (4) conservative politicians and state officials, whose pressures and exposure in the mass media often prevent additional spending for education; and ironically, (5) schoolpersons themselves for their failure to understand, develop, and use political machinery available within their own ranks to pursue educational improvements (Reitman, 1981, pp. 329-330). Aside from the enumerated characteristics of interest groups that make each one different from another, Reitman (1981) concluded that ideological biases strongly influence varying perceptions of the informal nature of power and influence over educational reforms of interest groups. Having discussed the informal aspects of control wielded by interest groups, the shift to the formal one is directed to the role of the state government and the personnel in position with respect on their influence in education. There are four essential authority personalities who correspond, though not entirely, to the formal structure of authority in formal education. The first one is the state governor or the chief executive. Recognizing the essence of state educational politics which according to Reitman (1981) is the bargaining between interest group and elected or appointed officials, the governor stands as the key to the extensive bargaining that goes on between spokepersons lobbying for organized educational interests, such as the state teachers association or union or the state chamber commerce (Reitman, 1981, p.343). The next two officials are under the local government: the school board and the school superintendent. The school boards, according to sociologist Norman Kerr (n.d.), have the responsibility to legitimize policies of the school system to the community, in contrast to the common notion that their task is to represent the community to the school administration in line with educational program. On the one hand, they hire school superintendents who are professional experts in the field of formal education. Hence, superintendents became agents of the boards such that they work with them to accomplish objectives at hand which were identified by the school boards and the community to be relevant given certain conditions (Reitman, 1981). The last wielder of influence would be the personnel closest and most accessible to those who need to be educated, the teachers or professors. Although they are large in number, most of them are passive recipients of pedagogical instructions set by those people higher than them in terms of authority. Often times, they are also not fully aware of the political aspects of education particularly those teachers of el ementary and secondary schooling. In this regard, Reitman (1981) raised a challenge for the teachers to contemplate and deliberate on, saying that: Once teachers have seen through the defeating myth of nonpoliticalization of schooling and have begun to comprehend how the myth desensitizes teachers to objective diagnosis of some of their students genuine learning needs, they have reasonable chance to proceed realistically on behalf of their own and their students interests. Armed with the realization that no single one, but rather a variety of sophisticated interest groups possess political clout in this society, a teacher can, if so inclined, participate with other like-minded professionals in organizational efforts to develop political power in educational affairs. (Reitman, 1981, p. 351) Such strong and straightforward statement implies how great the capacity of teachers is in initiating actions calling for improvements in education. However, the implication of this idea also goes with the critical analysis of how formal influence and power to set the manner and content of teaching trickles down from the highest authoritative body to the lowest group of teachers, as educational perspective becomes modified through each level of authority. In this respect enters the political dynamics occurring in the realm of education that entails departure from the confined conception of schooling. Here, it assumes that there exists a larger framework in which conflicting interests of those interest groups and the complex struggle over influence and power of those key actors discussed above are part of and are in the state of continuous interaction. Yet, this larger context also contains competing paradigms of ideological and/or cultural viewpoints which serve as the instrument that shape contrasting interpretations and perceptions of schooling and education. The debate about what schools ought to teach emanated from ideological disparities. These differences on ideologies, on the other hand, resulted from the diverse assessment concerning the critique of the traditional belief of schools as an educational institution. This long-established principle holds that schools taught fundamental skills and basic knowledge of the societys culture and institution, promoted cognitive development, and fostered such essentially modern attitudes and values as tolerance, respect for rationality, and openness to new ideas (Hurn, 1993, p. 270). This view was challenged by three major educational ideologies: the conservative, the liberal or reform and the radical or reconceptualist. The conservative educational ideologies, as expounded by Reitman (1981), strive to perpetuate the socioeducational status quo. Herein lies three rationales, provided by Reitman (1981), that explain education in the angle of the conservatives. The first one is the ideological view of education as human engineering. It explains schooling as a utility designed at making students just the way the society requires them to be and not the other way around by which these students would likely become the critics of that society. This ideology is greatly exhibited in the schools pedagogical measures and curricula such as career education, behavior modification, accountability, the competency movement (which subsumes competency/performance-based teacher education), programmed instruction and teaching machines, behavioral objectives, and performance contracting. The next rationale under the conservative ideology is centered on education as revival of the fundamentals. The idea of revivalistic fu ndamentalism fosters the back-to-basics principle such that supporters of conservatism eagerly demand for stricter school policies (i.e. hair and dress codes) as well as tougher academic standards and grading system. Such creed of conservatives is too extreme such that they even argued that new curricula and progressive teaching methods tend to undermine basic skills which may lead to educational decline and decay (Hurn, 1993). The third and last conservative belief is education as knowledge for the sake of knowledge. As the phrase implies, it basically advocates schooling as a tool directed towards guiding the students in their pursuit of personal intellectual development. To further understand the conservative educational ideology, its basic difference to radical ideology would be helpful. Hurn (1993) stated that most of the arguments asserted by the conservatives negate the claims of the radicals. For instance, radical theorists argue that schools are major props of the established order while conservatives opposed it by claiming that schools, in fact, promote cultural and moral relativism which lead to the disintegration of the homogenous set of cultural and moral ideals of schools such that it further caused the decline of their authority cajole or inspire the young to learn what they have to teach (Hurn, 1993). Adding evidence to the divergence of both ideologies, Freire (1921) in his language of crisis and critique averred that conservatives claim that schools fell short in realizing its purpose to meet the demands and imperatives of the capitalist market economy, thereby, implying that conservatives preserve the status quo of the society, being capitalist in nature. Conversely, schools which act as reproductive sites that smoothly provide the knowledge, skills, and social relations necessary for the functioning of the capitalist economy and dominant society are merely reflex of the labor market in the viewpoint of the radicals (Giroux, 1985). In such image of schools, the means for critical thinking and transformative action are not embodied in the education they provide. The second educational ideology was the liberal or reform type. Reitman (1981) categorized four conceptions about education under this ideological perspective which all seek to modify society as it changes continuously through time via educational processes. These are basically different from the conservatives in terms of their approach regarding norms and values that appear to be obsolete as time passes. Liberals or reformists prefer to preserve them and to integrate improvements for their continuity in contrast to conservatives who will insist in reviving such forgotten customs (Reitman, 1981). The first one among the liberal/reform conceptions is the view of education as ethnic revitalization. This caters developments such as ethnic studies, multicultural education, bilingual education, and community control so as to represent schools as venues for the unification of the diverse nature of a pluralistic society in terms of ethnic differences. Next in line is the second belief which is education as social reengineering. Although this is somewhat similar to the notion of human engineering feature of education employed by the conservative theorists, liberals social reengineering boil